Monday, 30 December 2013

Evidence of Psychedelic Drug Use in History

Many hallucinogens/psychedelics can be traced far back in time, with rock art from the Upper Palaeolithic now believed to be the workings of those in altered states of consciousness (ASC). The term ‘psychedelic’ was coined in 1956 by Humphry Osmond, and means soul-manifesting, and includes all hallucinogens and artwork inspired by them (Devereux 1997: xvii). Contrary to popular thinking, psychedelics are not addictive and can’t be overdosed on, instead, many are natural chemicals occurring in plants that interact with brain chemistry (Furst 1972: xiii), and of the approximate 30,000 plant species, ‘...at least 150 are known to be employed for their intoxicating properties’ (Fuller 2000: 3) found in nearly all cultures. For example; the Huichol Indians [The Huichol Indians are from the Sierra Madre Occidental of Northern Mexico. They are also known as the Wixáritari] have taken the three hundred mile long journey to Wirikúta where peyote is found, for hundreds of years, said to root back to Mesolithic times (Devereux 1997: 127). During this essay, the focus will be on three psychedelics; Cannabis sativa (widely known as marijuana or cannabis), magic mushrooms and LSD-25, discussing the history around them, as well as some important psychedelic mysteries and myths.

Archaeological evidence of psychedelics:
Strange as it is, it is the human nervous system that generates consciousness and subconsciousness. ASC can be brought about by many factors including; pain, sensory deprivation, ingestion of psychotropic drugs etc. Hence, it is now thought, that some of the many geometric patterns that decorate cave walls are the drawings channelled by the nervous system after the ingestion of psychedelics, the pictures themselves being perceived differently by different cultures (Lewis-Williams & Clottes 1998). Such like the African rock art that Max Knoll discovered to show remarkable similarities to the imagery of altered states (Blundell 1998: 4). Other universal images scribed while on psychedelics are thought to be; the transformation of the self into animals; such as the half bison - half human drawing in the Chauvet cave, as well as hallucinations being projected onto surfaces (Lewis-Williams & Clottes 1998). Since REM dreaming and ASC result in short term memory loss, due to dropping levels of norepinephrine [Also known as Noradrenaline secreted by the Adrenal Medulla for the reaction of fight or flight] and serotonin [A chemical required for the storage of recent memories], it is thought that rock art like the rock art in California, was made to record the sacred before it was forgotten (Whitley 1998: 31-32). Primarily female mushroom humans have been found carved in Chukchi country that have been dated back to the Bronze Age, and it is known that the use of Amanita muscaria was practiced by certain groups across Eurasia, while the Saami continued to use fly agaric well into the twentieth century (Devereux 1997:69), hence psychedelic rock art is not so farfetched. Stone carvings have also been found in Guatemala, Tabasco and Veracruz in Mexico which are dated between 1000 and 300 B.C., some depicting a transformation of human to animal, with mushrooms stemming upright from the head below (Wasson 1972: 188-189), the same animal transformation theme found in both stone sculptures and cave art. The original homeland of Cannabis is thought to be central Asia, that spread quickly to Africa and then other places, its adaptive properties (McKenna 1992: 150) and multiple uses (including; fibre, oil, nutrition, hallucinogenic properties and its ability to treat a wide range of ills, Hofmann & Schultes 1979) made it a desirable plant to human beings. ‘The thousands of names by which cannabis is known in hundreds of languages is testament...to its cultural history...ubiquity... [and] its power to move language-making faculty...’(McKenna 1992: 150). The widespread use of cannabis is found via archaeological sites; in Non Nak Tha (Thailand), 15,000 B.P. graves having been found with plant material repeatedly burned in the hollow centre of animal bones (McKenna 1992: 151); 3000 B.C. hempen rope and thread have been found in Turkestan; while ‘Stone beaters for pounding hemp fibre and impressions of hempen cord baked into pottery have been found in ancient sites in Taiwan’; as well as possible specimens of hemp in an Egyptian tomb dated around three to four thousand years ago. The use of cannabis as a psychedelic have been found in Scythian tombs in Central Asia. Tripods, pelts, braziers and charcoal with remains of cannabis leaves and fruit dated between 500 and 300 B.C. were obtained, and it’s believed that the Scythians spread cannabis westward to Europe (Hofmann & Schultes 1979).

Although archaeological evidence doesn’t give us the whole picture, the use of psychedelics is not a recent occurrence and it is not only Homo sapiens that take narcotic substances. A widely known example is the cat and catnip. Catnip affects most felines due to nepetalactone, the active chemical which causes the cat to roll around and play, and is said to be similar to the affect of LSD or marijuana in humans (Cat World 2011), whereas black lemurs have been seen to anoint their bodies with bitten millipedes, salivating profusely. Some believe that the lemurs do this to induce a psychotropic state, whereas others such as Birkinshaw (1999) believe that it is unlikely, since after 3-4 minutes, the lemurs continue with their daily routine, with a disposition unchanged. However, the effect of catnip on felines is very quick, as well as some Salvia divinorum trips, lasting about 5 minutes in humans. McKenna (1992) believes that psychedelics may have catalysed the mental functions that we associate with being human such as language, and possibly art, which was explored in the 1950s by Dr. Oscar Janiger with LSD, finding that it opened up the unexplored areas of the mind (Lee & Shlain 1985: 61-62). We can therefore see that psychedelics may have been with us since the near beginning of our species.

Myth, Story and Religion:
Since psychedelics have been around for generations, it is therefore not absurd to think that certain stories, myths and religions may have been created through the visionary experiences that psychedelics perpetuate on the human mind. While the Father Christmas myth of his red garment, reindeer (who are known to search out and eat fly agaric) and Chimney escapades, mimic a Siberian yurt smoke hole in winter (Devereux 1997: 72) are contested with ideas of the Coca Cola company globalising the now renowned ‘fat-man’ to up sales (The coca-cola company 2011), other debates on the origins of Christianity and what is soma have raised far more heckles and theories.
Allegro (1970), Wasson (1972) and Teeter (2005) all believe the answer is Amanita muscaria. Allegro (1970) researched Semitic languages to tie in myths with the mushroom, such as the Hebrew word for mushroom: ‘Kotereth’, mentioned many times in the Bible. Allegro argues that the distinctive colouring, like that of the red blood of the woman meeting the white sperm of the man to make a child, meant that stories were woven around the mushroom. He also notes that there is evidence suggesting that Amanita muscaria became Soma. Wasson (1972) also believed that Soma, a deified plant mentioned in 120 of the 1028 hymns of the Rig-Veda [The Rig-Veda are hymns of the religion of the Aryans, they invaded northwest India in approximately 1600 B.C. One of their divinities was the plant Soma (Wasson 1972: 201)] , was Amanita muscaria. He backs up his argument by saying that the Rig-Veda mentions nothing about roots, leaves, blossoms, fruit or seed, leaving the mushroom kingdom as the only option, and Amanita muscaria, because of the link to the Rig-Veda and Eurasian folklore. For example; when you drink Soma, you are said to urinate Soma. Wasson claims that this is a large clue that Soma is the fly agaric, since drinking the urine of those who have ingested fly agaric are known to gain greater effects. This occurred by the tribesmen of Chukotka and Kamchatka in the northeast of Siberia, as well as the Parsis, who still today consume urine in religious devotions, although now only bull’s urine as symbolism. Finally, Wasson proclaims that the use of Soma in Siberia has survived there only until recently, their culture saturated with intimacy of reindeer and the birch - the tree of the Shaman (the birch being the preferred host of the fly agaric), the pine tree being second to the birch for Siberian tribesmen, conifers being a place where fly agaric is also known to grow. However, objections have been made to this theory. One theory is that Soma is the psychoactive Peganum harmala [Syrian rue] due to its abundance in the Indo-Iranian region, whereas fly agaric was limited to a few mountain regions, a place where the valley residing Indo-Europeans would find hard to access (Devereux 1997: 75). Another theory, is that Soma is Stropharia cubensis (a dung loving mushroom) because of the reference to cattle and pastoralism continually repeated in the Rig-Veda e.g. Soma mixed with milk, referred to as a ‘bull’, ergo, the drinking of bull urine in the Parsis religion. However, it is believed that as climatic conditions changed and Indo-Europeans migrated farther east, mild temperatures and grassland conditions for Stropharia cubensis ceased to be available, and Amanita muscaria was taken up as the replacement Soma. One reason Amanita muscaria as Soma is contested here, is because soil considerations, geographic and seasonal factors, as well as species, all affect the psychedelic properties of the fly agaric, which gives a lower percentage of gaining a hallucinogenic experience (McKenna 1992). Yet, Soma’s father was Parajanya, the God of Thunder, a weather condition that is widespread with the fly agaric, such as the Native Americans of Guatemala who referred to the fly agaric as the ‘lightning bolt’, while the Mayan Popol Vuh [It is the sacred Book of the Mayan religion and tells of the creation of the Maya (LostCivilisations)] refer to it as ‘lightning-bolt one-leg’ (Devereux 1997: 74). Teeter (2005) ties both Allegro (1970) and Wasson’s (1972) ideas together. Teeter (2005) argues that Soma was Amanita muscaria and that this has translated into the Bible. He shows this with the Indo-European words; Soma/Haoma (meaning ‘pressed one’ or ‘body’ in Greek), Ambrosia (‘not mortal’) and Nectar (‘Death Overcomer’), which are all names for the same plant, and has been related to the plant being Jesus. This is from the idea that Jesus’ power is the same as those given to the mushroom, the mushroom associated with the Sky Father God, who sent down the mushroom in lightening and rain and it appeared immaculately overnight, like it was virgin birthed. In quotes from the Bible, Teeter shows how Christ was to be tasted and eaten.

Although the idea of psychedelics as the beginnings of religion can be hard to digest for those of faith, it makes sense that something that can change the conscious mind in the awakened state would be something revered and deified, whether or not that it is Amanita muscaria or another psychedelic. In fact, in 1888, Kalamba-Moukenge, then chief of the Balubas, a Bantu speaking tribe of the Belgian Congo, rid the tribe of all fetishes and unified them under one idol – Cannabis (Emboden, Jr. 1972: 226). Even Alfred M. Hubbard who took LSD in 1951, became a sort of preacher of the drug, believing he’d witnessed his own conception, and afterwards sought out to give others the chance to encounter the psychedelic experience, as well as administering LSD mixed with religious symbolism to help gravely ill alcoholics overcome their addiction, with a 50% recovery rate (Lee & Shlain 1992). McKenna (1992: 122) gives a step by step process of how once psychedelic plants that began certain religions are slowly replaced by symbolism and esoteric teachings of today’s religions which are then slowly replaced by science, and finally, one day, the psychedelics may once again be revisited and the mystical experience felt once more.

Psychedelic Groups in History:
Like religion, groups of people have come together throughout history to engage in activities involving psychedelics. In 1844, Le Club des Haschischins was formed in Hotel Pinodan by Dr. Moreau de Tours (Emboden, Jr. 1972: 228). At the meetings, he would provide jellied Algerian hashish called ‘dawamesc’ to respected artists and writers (McKenna 1992: 159), and with music playing, he would say as he gave each participant their fill; “This will be deduced from your share in paradise” (Emboden Jr. 1972: 228). Other groups have been more aloof, and what was taken at Eleusis is as mysterious as Soma. Eleusis, being the cult that lasted for nearly two thousand years, including persons such as Plato, Sophocles and Aristotle, and the ruins are still here today, about twelve miles west of Athens. It was at Eleusis that Persephone (Demeter’s daughter) was kidnapped by Hades in Greek myth, and therefore some believe that the hallucinogenic drink that was taken was barley that had the ergot fungus. This is because Demeter was often referred to as ‘Erysibe’, meaning ergot, as well as her signature colour being purple. Claviceps purpurea is the latin name for ergot, ‘purpurea’ meaning purple because of ergot’s colour at some stages of its life (Devereux 1997). Ironically, it was vasoconstricting substances derived from ergot that Albert Hofmann was working with when he synthesised LSD-25 (McKenna 1992: 234). However, others believe that the psychedelic substance used was in fact magic mushrooms, since the sacred rite occurred in September/early October, the season of the European mushrooms, also that the mushroom rite of Mexico matches the Eleusinian mystery point for point (Wasson 1972: 193-194). A few contest that the potion was pennyroyal, which in large doses causes delirium and unconsciousness, however whatever the psychedelic was or the nature of the ceremony, it may never be truly known, for to speak of the mystery was on pain of death (Devereux 1997). Psychedelics are something that continue to allure and mystify us, causing the creation of people to form societies that help us reach beyond what we thought possible and to find a kind of paradise. This is even seen today by the peyote trip each year to Wirikúta by the Huichol Indians.
Conclusion:
In today’s Westernised societies, psychedelics are seen as not only taboo, but criminalised, many people believing them to be unnatural and unhealthy, even though research has shown that psychedelics in fact can help the human condition. ‘Up until the early 1960s LSD studies had flourished without government restrictions...’, with the CIA sponsoring most of the studies, but once the CIA saw that LSD was not the truth drug they had been searching for, LSD was no longer needed (Lee & Shlain 1992: 92-93) and a psychedelic that had been ‘...shown to aid in psychotherapy and the treatment of chronic alcoholism...’became prohibited. ‘No other drug so far has been able to match its record in salvaging tormented lives from the alcoholic scrap heap’ (Mckenna 1992: 33). Cannabis was outlawed in the 1930s when Harry J. Anslinger characterised cannabis as the ‘weed of death’ in the best interests of American petrochemical companies wanting to eliminate hemp as their competitor. However, a belief by many is psychedelics such as magic mushrooms, cannabis or LSD’s ASC experiences dissolve boundaries and threaten reigning patriarchy, while drugs such as coffee reinforces industrial culture (McKenna 1992). Yet, through historical evidence, we see that psychedelics are a natural part of human life that has propelled some of the most interesting and in some cases, important creations of humanity.




[NOTE: While on my journey to find a suitable image for this blog post, I found the Father Christmas picture on an internet article named The Psychedelic Secrets of Santa Claus. It discusses various traditions that may have come about from a rich tradition surrounding the fly agaric, such as a reason for a Christmas tree, the star at the top, flying reindeer and Father Christmas' suit. I hinted at this possibility in my own article, of religious and mythical heritage evolving from psychedelic experiences, but we also have to ask ourselves how much credit we give to psychedelics, especially the fly agaric. I do believe myself that there is some truth to all this, yet I also think many authors of this mind-set are too involved by it. One example that comes to mind is McKenna who attributes more than religion to psychedelics...possibly a little too far in my opinion. However, take a look at the post, although I never take a post too seriously if it comes with no references.]   

[NOTE: Here is a youtube clip on the relationship between the reindeer, the saami and magic mushrooms]


                                    

[NOTE: Although I didn't speak about Alchohol really, it is a drug. Here's a youtube clip of a vervet monkeys that enjoy the taste]


[NOTE: I mentioned about black lemurs possibly intoxicating themselves with millipedes. Fascinating and funny, here is a lemur using millipedes in this youtube clip, which occurs half way through the video]


[NOTE: Finally, I wanted to add a video of the trials that governments performed when LSD first came to their attention. This youtube clip is a favourite of mine]



References [Online sources are already referenced in the text but titles will be included under the heading - Online Sources - in case links don't work]

1. Allegro, J. M. (1970). The Sacred Mushroom and The Cross: A Study of the nature and origins of Christianity within the fertility cults of the ancient Near East. Hodder and Stoughton: London 
2.  Birkinshaw, C. R. (1999). Use of Millipedes by Black Lemurs to Anoint their Bodies. Folia Primatol 70: 170-171 
 3.  Blundell, G. (1998). On Neuropsychology in Southern African Rock Art Research. Anthropology of Consciousness 9 (1): 3-12   
4.  Devereux, P. (1997). The Long Trip: A prehistory of Psychedelia. Penguin Books Ltd: Middlesex 
5.  Emboden, Jr, W. A. (1972). Ritual Use of Cannabis sativa L.: A Historical-Ethnographic Survey. In, Furst, P. T., Flesh of the Gods: The Ritual Use of Hallucinogens. Waveland press, Inc.: Illinois, pp. 214-236 
6.  Fuller, R. C. (2000). Stairways to Heaven: Drugs in American Religious History. Westview Press: Colorado 
7.  Furst, P. T. (1972). Flesh of the Gods: The Ritual Use of Hallucinogens. Waveland press, Inc.: Illinois 
8.  Hofmann, A. & Schultes, R. E. (1979). The Nectar of Delight. In, Hofmann, A. & Schultes, R. E. Plants of the Gods. Healing Arts Press: USA. [You can see the excerpt I used online from The Nectar of Delight
9.  Lee, M. A. & Shlain, B. (1985). Acid Dreams: The Complete Social History of LSD: The CIA, The Sixties, And Beyond. Grove Press: New York 
10.  Lewis-Williams, D.J. & Clottes, J. (1998). The Mind in the Cave – the Cave in the Mind: Altered Consciousness in the Upper Palaeolithic. Anthropology of Consciousness 9 (1): 13-21
11.  McKenna, T. (1992). Food of the Gods: The Search for the Original Tree of Knowledge: A Radical History of Plants, Drugs and Human Evolution. Rider: London 
12.  Teeter, D. E. (2005). Amanita Muscaria: Herb of Immortality. Ambrosia Society: Texas.  
13.  Wasson, R. G. (1972). The Divine Mushroom of Immortality. In, Furst, P. T., Flesh of the Gods: The Ritual Use of Hallucinogens. Waveland press, Inc.: Illinois, pp. 185-200.  
14.  Wasson, R. G. (1972). What was the Soma of the Aryans? In, Furst, P. T., Flesh of the Gods: The Ritual Use of Hallucinogens. Waveland press, Inc.: Illinois, pp. 201-213 
15.  Whitley, D. S. (1998). Cognitive Neuroscience, Shamanism and the Rock Art of Native California. Anthropology of Consciousness 9 (1): 22-37


Online Sources
1.  Cat World. (2011). Catnip – Everything You Need To Know About Catnip!  
2.  Lost Civilisations. (Unknown). Mayan Religion – Popol Vuh. Maya.
3. The Coca-Cola Company. (2011). Coke Lore: Coca-Cola and Santa Claus.  
 


Sunday, 29 December 2013

Society Makes the Witch: Similarities and Differences between African and European Witchcraft

Witchcraft is a tricky concept to explain in terms of this essay because witchcraft is such a diverse topic. Witchcraft has changed dramatically in both Africa and Europe, and can be seen from two sides; those who believe in witchcraft and those who practice witchcraft, these ideas can be the same e.g. a neo-pagan; or can be separate e.g. A Zande man consults the oracle to find out who is the witch that makes his wife ill. Whether belief and practice is separate or the same usually depends on whether it is feared or accepted, usually with conflicting views of what witchcraft means. These views differ widely across the two continents and time, but, continuities can be found throughout. During this essay; Philip Mayer’s (1954) comparative review on witchcraft similarities will be discussed along with contrasts of various examples, with some possible explanations.

Mayer defines witchcraft as having a category of persons who can be recognised by particular signs; witches usually being adults, often women, and witchcraft being a trait passed down in families. A witch will bare physical stigmata, either externally or internally and usually have a stingy, reserved or quarrelsome nature (Mayer 1954: 56).
If anyone hasn't seen Buffy yet...well I shake my head at you

Red eyes has been documented across Africa as a trait of a witch; from the Lugbara, who’s witches are corpse-like with red or squinting eyes (Middleton 1967: 65); to the Ceŵa sorcerer who is fat from eating human flesh and has red eyes from staying up late (Marwick 1967: 107); and the Azande; red eyes being an external sign of a witch, while a reddish substance containing pumpkin and sesame seeds found in an oval blackish swelling under the xiphoid process determines a witch on autopsy (Evans-Pritchard 1976: 1-2). The Nyakyusa also believe in an internal substance of pythons in the stomach that is discoverable on autopsy (Hunter Wilson 1951: 308). Red seems to be the colour of choice, and this could be because of the connection with blood, bleeding being associated with danger (Andrews 2010). Red eyes are also seen in Europe, used to signify a demonic state in today’s media, the devil being connected with red as well, but usually doesn't unite the red eyes with the witch.


The similarity between African and European witchcraft is the association to the elderly, seen in the Lugbara, Lovedu, Nupe, Luvale, Azande, Mesakin, Roman empire, England, Germany etc. Typically the elderly person preys on the young. The Navahos explain that the aged are near death and therefore are prepared to take chances in using witchcraft (MacFarlane 1970: 230), while the Azande saw witchcraft substance as becoming more potent and corrupt with age (Evans-Pritchard 1976: 7-8). Old age is associated with death, and many of us fear the comings of the process, where we are no longer at our prime, our skin losing its elasticity, while our body deteriorates. In the Mesakin, old age comes at twenty-two to twenty-four. This is because the Mesakin only distinguish between boys before puberty, youths before parenthood, and men without the separation of the really old. Because of this, men still in their twenties are abruptly taken away from fun activities such as wrestling, spear fighting etc. The Mesakin witch is therefore seen as “The older assailing the younger, usually venting anger...” (Nadel 1952: 291-293). In places like Essex (England), during the time of the witch trials, old women with a wrinkled face, a furr’d brow and hairy lip were associated with witches. The older a woman was, the more likely she would be deemed as a witch, the selective age being from fifty to seventy years of age (MacFarlane 1970: 158-161). People who begged for money in England during this time, were also picked out as witches, fuelling the stereotype of the old witch, retirement not being the celebration it is today. When the old age pension was enacted, “...the need for personal charity definitely eased, and with it the communal obligations which fed the mumping witch and sustained her vindictive reputation” (Davies 1999: 291). The European witch was also boastful, miserable, malicious and had a wicked tongue (MacFarlane 1970: 158), which follows the same pattern in Africa; the Gisu tribe branding eccentrics as witches, while the Azande brand those who are glum and ill-tempered, and “...men fear to refuse requests lest a sponger bewitches them...” (Ibid: 227). This is the same as the Essex witch, for the rich accused the poor, people fearing to deny the poor what they asked, lest the envious cast a spell (Ibid: 150). The Lugbara also feared an old man who would eat alone but would pretend to be friendly to everyone, in case they believed him to be a witch (Middleton 1967: 60). However, in rare cases, children were also named witches: “From 1627, children also began to be hunted as witches such as the iron Bishop of Würzburg [Germany]...who executed his own young nephew” (Erik Midelfort 1972: 177), while children in certain African churches in places such as Britain and Nigeria today are branded as witches (Channel 4 [The link to this programme has since vanished. It was a programme called Dispatches: Saving Africa's Witch Children and I have found it since here, but you can also google it]).

During the witch trials, Europeans accused mainly women of witchcraft, while Africans in the past and today tend not to pinpoint witchcraft on one particular sex. In Zandeland, witchcraft can be performed by either sex and is inherited through same sex linage (Evans-Pritchard 1978: 2), while the Lugbara believe only old men can be sorcerers, in which a son may follow in his father’s footsteps and is usually avoided (Middleton 1967: 61). However, Nupe witches are always women, the head witch usually being head trader. This may be caused because Nupe wives earn more than their husbands who are often heavily in debt to their partner. The trading occupation was originally reserved for childless women, but many women now leave their young children or practice abortion so that they are free to choose the trading occupation. Men are helpless to women who are gaining independence and seem to have reacted with the accusation of women who choose this life (Nadel 1952: 290). Like the Nupe, other case histories have shown that women who strive for independence are cause for accusation (MacFarlane 1970: 227). In Scotland, 85% of the accused were female, “...a figure which matches well with the data from most of the rest of Western Europe...”. The German and Roman strix was a woman, and in Welsh, the hag woman was called a Wrach (Hutton 2002: 25-26). In France, Jean de Wier said that women were more likely to be controlled by the Devil because they were weaker minded than men (Baroja 1965: 110), while Germany believed that women were more susceptible to diabolical contracts because they were lustier than men (Erik Midelfort 1972: 178). In the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries, the amount of women not marrying increased while Nunneries declined, meaning that once the father died in the household, an unmarried woman would be removed from patriarchal control altogether. Unmarried or widowed women were therefore witches (Ibid: 181-182). However, Iceland, who held their own witch trials at the same period as the Scots, and was economically, socially and politically similar to Scotland did not tend to credit women with witchcraft. Oddly, Denmark who ruled Iceland at the time, and Norway who had settlers in Iceland both attributed women with the craft. Sweden did the same. Finland showed a parallel to Iceland until the Western European stereotype entered into their culture. An explanation for the phenomenon in Iceland may lie with the Saami who followed similar shamanism to the Siberians (Shamans being largely male). Their traditional home was Finland but they ranged far into Northern Norway who supplied settlers into Iceland. “...[T]he shamanic element in the Icelandic matrix is clear, and does provide an explanation for the distinction between the gender pattern of witchcraft accusations there...” (Hutton 2002: 26-29). Ironically, neo-paganism such as Dianic Wicca embraces women as being able to identify and have her own image in the likeness of a god, which previously only men could experience (Finley 1991: 354), while at the same time revealing themselves as practitioners of the craft.


Mayer explains that witchcraft causes misfortune to neighbours or kinsman, never to strangers or people far away, working “...from envy, malice or spite, against individuals rather than in pursuit of material gain as such” (Mayer 1954: 56). Witchcraft is an explanation of misfortune and social control, the same as many religions. A Zande will attribute misfortune to witchcraft unless evidence suggests otherwise, witchcraft is the second spear, the bad luck that hits them (Evans-Pritchard 1978). At the same time, those who are accused of witchcraft go against the norms of the culture, such as those who are greedy and whose habits are dirty (MacFarlane 1970: 227). This is the same in the Lugbara whereby the witch brings sickness to those they resent because of success or because they have quarrelled, as well as explaining how that sickness came about (Middleton 1967: 59), or the Nyakyusa, who warn their children not to be “...quarrelsome or boastful or brusque in their manner, lest they arouse the anger of witches...Above all, witches are thought to attack those stingy with food...Well fed pythons stay quiet”, and in the 1950s, the light coloured familiars of Pondo witches were thought to match the colour-caste society whereby sex relations between whites and blacks were a criminal offence in South Africa (Hunter Wilson 1951: 308-311). In European countries, witchcraft was more about explaining the misfortunes of illness and the spread of gossip, while Christianity was the social control. In fact there was pause in witchcraft accusations across every society that adopted Christianity as its sole religion, due to the theological argument “...that if the cosmos was controlled by a single all powerful and benevolent deity, then magic could not operate unless that deity willed it...”, however, by the end of the Middle Ages, Europe adopted the witchcraft belief once more , either because the cosmologies were too popular or because of the inner dynamics of Christian theology (Hutton 2002: 24-25). Yet, social control did crop up; an example being the succubus and incubus which came about “...when sexual repression was at its height, and intercourse even between husband and wife...”was looked down upon, “...the theory of attempted seduction by succubi provided a convenient excuse for men’s sexual fantasies, and in particular those of the celibate clergy”, witches were said to have sex with these demons – a form of bestiality (Kingston 1976: 134-137). In Scotland, the government actually encouraged witch-hunts in 1628, 1649 and 1661 as “...part of broader governmental initiative to punish crime, especially of a religious nature, the goal being to establish Scotland as a godly state” (Levack 2002: 171).
As for witchcraft working at close range; it is harder for the accuser to accuse someone they have never seen. Strangers can be accused, but they only become strangers when they are noticed, at the same time, the accused will sometimes be those who have quarrelled or if there is hostility, which can only happen between people you know.

Mayer states that witches work in secret at night, they are not entirely human, they reverse all normal standards such as practicing incest, standing backwards, eating human flesh and digging up corpses, and they are always immoral (Mayers 1954: 56). Dreaming and eating, especially human flesh is a similarity for most African witches, but not so much in Europe. The Lugbara say that a witch’s body remains in his bed while the witch’s soul enters your dreams as a night animal such as a leopard or snake. One witch vomits blood on the victim’s doorstep whom become sick when they touch it. Lugbara witches like to eat (Middleton 1967: 59). Ceŵa sorcerers are necrophagous but may also eat you alive while you’re asleep, which has been connected to explain tropical ulcers. They employ familiars and fly around in baskets (Marwick 1967: 107-108). In both the Nupe and Gwari, witches attack sleeping victims with their shadow-souls, consuming victim’s life souls (Nadel 1952: 287), while the Nyakyusa witch lust for meat, especially human flesh which they eat in the victim’s nightmares (Hunter Wilson 1951: 308), and the Azande witch sends “...his soul on errands by night when his victim is asleep” (Evans-Pritchard 1976: 11). A European similarity to these examples is the Roman strix that was a woman by day, but turned into a bird-type creature that flew about screeching, at night, eating human flesh (Cohn 1975: 206-207). Mostly, however, European witches spread their wickedness through cursed words, minions to the Devil. As previously mentioned, prior to welfare benefits, the poor had to rely upon charity. “In 1582 a woman was believed to have bewitched the collector for the poor because he would not give her 12d for her sick husband”, another women in 1589 was deemed a witch for being a resident in the Almshouse (MacFarlane 1970: 151). Since the powers of a witch were immoral and unnatural, it was only logic that a witch was on the Devil’s side. Stories of witch’s flying on broomsticks (a common household object) circulated, and today it is believed that narcotics such as belladonna may have been used to stimulate a flying sensation (Cohn 1975: 220), whereas the ergot fungus which causes hallucinations may have attributed to the idea of demonic possessions (Goodare 2002: 53).

In conclusion, Mayer’s (1954) work on the similarities of witchcraft provides a basis in which to draw deductions. He uses these ideas to show that witchcraft is used to explain deeper meanings of events in cultures (such as why Nupe witches are always women), as well as witchcraft being a force in social relations, something to dress up hostility and personal antipathy as well as people’s animosities. It is as Mayer says; society that creates the witch. However, his work is only a guideline in which to work from, and from many of the societies discussed in this post, witchcraft can be seen to be a vast array of differences from not only Africa to Europe, but in each continent themselves, although the many great divides happen between the two. On a side note; this essay has really only discussed witchcraft as explanation and as a past endeavour, but witchcraft is not as primitive as some believe. Although Christianity was around at the same time as witchcraft in mediaeval times, religion itself can be said to be another form of explanation and social control, people still believing today in the magic of God. Not only that, but witchcraft is still a fear for many, either because it is a deviation away from the central religion, many still seeing the witch as a worshipper of the Devil (Logo Resource Pages) or because witchcraft means death e.g. albinos in places such as Tanzania are being murdered, with parts of them being harvested for potions to help others gain riches, albino hair weaved in fishing nets are said to catch more fish (BBC News 2008, Soares 2008). Finally, neo-paganism is a belief and practice in witchcraft and should not be associated with the fear in witchcraft which this blog post has discussed, but can be used to understand a new dissimilarity between modern day witchcraft in Africa and Europe.

[NOTE: The idea of witches having green skin, depicted in certain countries around Europe and North America is an interesting question. I would like to research this further but for now I leave you with some thoughts in Why are Witches often depicted with green skin?]



References [This list will only compose of the references that aren't linked in the text to the original source, however, due to the difficulty of not being able to find the original source for the Dispatches programme, I will include the names of all internet sources so that they may be found again]

1. Baroja, J. C. (1965). The World of the Witches. The University of Chicago Press: Chicago

2. Cohn, N. (1975). Europe’s Inner Demons: An Enquiry Inspired by the Great Witch Hunt. Richard Clay Ltd: Bungay

3. Davies, O. (1999). Witchcraft, Magic and Culture 1736-1951. Manchester University Press: Manchester

4. Erik Midelfort, H. C. (1972). The Social Position of the Witch in Southwestern Germany. In Marwick, M. (1970). Witchcraft and Sorcery: Selected Readings, Penguin Books Ltd: Middlesex, pp. 174-189

5. Evans-Pritchard, E. E. (1976). Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic Among the Azande. Claredon Press: Oxford

6. Finley, N. J. (1991). Political Activism and Feminist Spirituality. Sociology of Religion 52 (4): 349-362

7. Goodare, J. (2002). The Scottish Witchcraft panic of 1597. In Goodare, J., The Scottish witch-hunt in context, Manchester University Press: Manchester, pp. 51-72

8. Hunter Wilson, M. (1951). Witch Beliefs and Social Structure. The American Journal of Sociology 56 (4): 307-313

9. Hutton, R. (2002). The global context of the Scottish witch-hunt. In Goodare, J., The Scottish witch-hunt in context, Manchester University Press: Manchester, pp. 16-32

10. Kingston, J. (1976). Witches and Witchcraft. Aldus Books Limited: London

11. Levack, B.P. (2002). The Decline and End of Scottish witch-hunting. In Goodare, J., The Scottish witch-hunt in context, Manchester University Press: Manchester, pp. 166-181

12. MacFarlane, A. (1970). Witchcraft in Tudor and Stuart England: A regional and comparative study. Routledge& Kegan Paul: London

13. Marwick, M. G. (1967). The Sociology of Sorcery in a Central African Tribe. In Middleton, J., Magic, Witchcraft, and Curing, The Natural History Press: New York, pp. 101-126

14. Mayer, P. (1954). Witches. In Marwick, M. (1970). Witchcraft and Sorcery: Selected Readings, Penguin Books Ltd: Middlesex, pp. 54-70

15. Middleton, J. (1967). The Concept of “Bewitching” in Lugbara. In Middleton, J., Magic, Witchcraft, and Curing, The Natural History Press: New York, pp. 55-67

16. Nadel, S. F. (1952). Witchcraft in Four African Societies. In Marwick, M. (1970). Witchcraft and Sorcery: Selected Readings, Penguin Books Ltd: Middlesex, pp. 286-299


Internet Sources List
1. Andrews, D. (2010). What Does the Colour Red Mean?

2. BBC News. (2008). Living in Fear: Tanzania’s Albinos.

3. Channel 4. (2008). Dispatches: Saving Africa’s Witch Children. [Television programme]

4. Logo Resource Pages. (Unknown). Witchcraft Today.

5.  Soares, C. (2008). Crackdown on witchdoctors after albinos killed to harvest body parts.